Revisiting 'August 15': A Call for Self-Reflection in Bangladeshi Politics- Part 3

Mira, Bangladesh and Prasenjit Deb, Guwahati, Assam

The Awami League has been observing August 15 as the National Mourning Day every year since Sheikh Hasina returned to the country in 1981 and took over as the party president. From this morning, Bangabandhu's historic March 7, 1971 speech was heard on the mike; Awami League leaders and supporters cooked ‘Khichdi’ in places across the country and distributed it among all. It has become a tradition in Bangladesh.

After the Awami League came to power in 2009, August 15, the death anniversary of the architect of Bangladesh, the founding president of Bangladesh, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was declared a public holiday. Over the last decade and a half, mourning days have been observed widely. Throughout the month of August, the media and various organizations have remembered the family of Bangabandhu who was killed on that night with various arrangements.

However, with the change of power, that has also changed. Immediately after the fall of the Hasina government on August 5, the inhuman desecration of Bangabandhu's sculptures and portraits installed in different places became part of the mayhem across the country, which has hurt the people of all classes, professions, parties, and opinions. Bangabandhu's house at Dhanmondi, which is closely associated with the history of the country's liberation war, has been set on fire. It is known as a museum, and many priceless items of Bangabandhu and 1971 were preserved. This house of Dhanmondi number 32 is deeply associated with the history of Bangladesh's independence. However, a fanatic quarter has caused irreparable damage to the nation by destroying this invaluable structure in a planned way.

Unfortunately, when journalists asked the current head of government about this, he commented that the looting of Ganabhaban, the extreme desecration of Bangabandhu's sculpture, and the burning of house number 32 in Dhanmondi are "expressions of people's anger." Within a week of Dr. Yunus taking oath, the BNP-Jamaat remained silent on the issue of August 15 after holding discussions with different political parties. Jatiya Party (Kazi Zafar) President Andaleeve Rahman Partho said, "The issue of Bangabandhu is universal; whoever wishes will mourn."

Nurul Haque Nur, president of a faction of Gonoadhikar Parishad, demanded the cancellation of the public holiday, while the AB Party also demanded the same. It is to be noted that both parties were listed by the Election Commission as registered political parties after the fall of Hasina-led government. After the discussion, the interim government decided to cancel the public holiday on August 15. Notably, Nurul Haque Nur was accused of holding several meetings with the international community, especially the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad, and signing a huge amount of money to overthrow the previous government in exchange for money. Even the Palestinian ambassador to Bangladesh directly accused him of colluding with Mossad last year. Today, he has become one of the most privileged and influential sections of this government. All the events of August 15 have been cancelled because Nur was strongly opposed.

Then on August 13, the anti-discrimination student leaders alleged that the Awami League would organize a counter-revolution centering on August 15 and urged everyone to stay on the streets. As a result of that call, from midnight on August 14, a group of youths organized a DJ party near Dhanmondi number 32 and danced to the tune of 'Lungi Dance' and broadcast it live through various mediums.

The next day, they set up checkpoints around Dhanmondi 32, searched every man and woman who went to that area, snatched their mobile phones and searched them, beat up more than 100 men and women, and detained them in a nearby college. Videos of a 70-year-old man being made to sit up by the ears, a video of a man apologizing while wearing only underwear, and a video of some people being tied up with injuries went viral on social media. They all went there to pay homage to the memory of Bangabandhu.

Momin Patwari, who was critically injured in the attack, died at the hospital on August 30, 15 days later. At around 1 pm on August 15, four army vehicles came and rescued the people trapped inside the college.

It is to be noted that every year on August 15, every media outlet in Bangladesh used to organize a lot. Columns of various renowned columnists on the life of Bangabandhu and that night, reminiscences of intellectuals, and advertisements of condolence from different individuals and organizations would fill the pages.

Even when the Awami League was out of power for 21 years, the daily newspapers would still make some arrangements. This time, Bangladesh saw a surprising exception. The media of Bangladesh was limited to presenting news in a small name! With the passage of time, the course of Bangladesh is going to be open. The people of Bangladesh were surprised to see that for the first time in 53 years of independence, the death anniversary of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was observed in Bangladesh at the National Press Club. Not only that, but the speakers spoke in Urdu at the event. It has been demanded to declare Jinnah as the Father of the Nation of Bangladesh, not Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and to cancel Independence Day on March 26 and Victory Day on December 16 and declare August 5 as Independence and Victory Day simultaneously.

The people of Bangladesh have seen with astonishment that even after showing such audacity, the media of the country has played a silent role! "Pakistan-friendly" narratives are being nurtured by inciting "anti-India" sentiments under the direct patronage of the government. Narratives being constructed lead to the conclusion that, due to Rabindranath Tagore's identity as an Indian citizen, the national anthem he composed will not be utilized in Bangladesh. Ghulam Azam's son Abdullahil Amaan Azmi, a former Bangladeshi Army officer, also made a bold claim to change the three lakh martyrs of the liberation war of 1971 by mistakenly saying that Bangabandhu gave wrong information to the nation as three million.

In contrast to the media's silence, if people from all walks of life had not strongly protested through social media, the government would likely have proceeded with its attempts to implement changes. Because the government and the media have played a silent role on every controversial issue. In Bangladesh, the freethinkers, progressives, non-communalists, and those with the spirit of 1971 are now in a very marginalized state. Journalists, cultural personalities, and intellectuals, known as the holders of progressive spirit, have been arrested in various cases, including blacklisting and murder.

In the reality of Bangladesh, the non-communal and free-thinking people are identified as 'Awami League.' Similarly, the followers of traditional religions are also identified as 'Awami League.' Since independence, Bangladesh has been divided into two sides: one for freedom, the other against. Since the liberation war was fought under the leadership of the Awami League, independence was achieved; writing or speaking in favour of independence means supporting the Awami League. And in Bangladesh after August 5, this class has become the target.

But most of the real Awami League leaders and activists of Bangladesh did not come to the party for the last sixteen years; many were not allowed to come by the new Awami League members. Being in favour of the liberation war means having a brotherly attitude towards India, which helped Bangladesh in every way in 1971. Geographically, culturally, and historically, the heart of the people of Bangladesh should be with India. A generation of misguided Bangladeshis has become accustomed to labeling patriotic Bangladeshi Bengalis as 'agents' of India and the Awami League, a shift that has occurred since the political change instigated by the state itself.

The Awami League must have made many mistakes when it was in power. Some top leaders of the party, MPs, and ministers are involved in those mistakes. A small section of the party is involved in corruption, partisanship in all fields, political vengeance, separating the party from Bangabandhu's ideology, and putting the responsibility on Sheikh Hasina for everything. The Awami League, as a government and as a party, has become controversial because of that small part. And after the change, all the leaders, activists, supporters, and progressives had to pay the price.

The tenure of this government has completely spanned only two and a half months. However, in this short time, those seeking change and a discrimination-free Bangladesh have become extremely disappointed. What was expected to be a neutral government has emerged as a partisan one, unfortunately taking on characteristics of religious fundamentalism. The BNP, which was a victim of political vengeance during the last 16 years of the previous government, has not received the same favour from this interim government, nor does it appear that it will receive as much support as Jamaat and some extremist fanatic parties.

The BNP has a strong grassroots presence and is often perceived as engaging in immoral practices such as extortion, land grabbing, and displaying muscle power. Despite having gained control over areas that are integral to the political culture of Bangladesh, the BNP cannot fully support the government's initiatives. The party is calling for the government to implement necessary reforms for fair elections and expedite the electoral process. However, the government's aim is to undertake comprehensive reforms of the entire state, including the constitution. This divergence in objectives has led to psychological conflicts and a growing distance between the BNP and its long-time ally, Jamaat.

While Jamaat and some other political parties, as well as certain segments of civil society and the media, advocate for the government to remain in power as long as necessary to implement state reforms, the BNP is unwilling to wait for such an extended period. In an effort to pressure the government, the BNP's secretary general has been urging the administration through various channels on an almost daily basis. He has emphasized the need for immediate elections, highlighting the pressing issues facing the country.

But people have been thrown into disarray. The importance of patriotism has been lost, and that has caused the people of Bangladesh to drown in the catastrophe. In this situation, a democratic political party must not allow itself to be used. August 15 must not be observed only as a mourning day; this day must be observed as a day of self-reflection. Acknowledging the legacy of the past, the Awami League has to correct its course to fulfill the dreams of the people of Bangladesh. This day should be the day of realization, the day of self-reflection for everyone.

Also Read: Political Unrest and Growing Protests: A Look at Bangladesh’s Interim Government- Part 2